Electoral Manifesto of the Liberal Party of Sri Lanka

Highlights

Curtailment of central government powers

1. 
   1. The President’s term of office reduced to four years, with re-election possible only once
   2. No Presidential immunity from the operation of the law
   3. The President will be generally responsible for policy but cannot hold any ministerial portfolios
   4. There would be a limited number of portfolios. The President’s appointments to these would have to be ratified individually by the House of Representatives.
2. A bicameral Parliament with a Senate and a House of Representatives. The House of Representatives to be elected for four years by the system of proportional representation known as the mixed system of constituencies and national list as exists in Germany. The Senate to be elected on a provincial basis with equal representation for each province. Elections to the Senate to take place also every four years, two years after the House of Representatives.
3. Curtailment by emergency regulations of the fundamental rights conferred by Chapter III of the Constitution should be restricted, by amendment of the Constitution, to ireasonable and justiciable restrictions as may be necessary in a democratic society.

Devolution proposals designed to streamlines responsibilities and accountability

1. The division of government functions into three clearcut lists, one the responsibility of local government institutions, the second that of the provincial government, the third that of the central government. Broadly speaking administrative responsibilities would devolve to local institutions such as Pradeshiya Sabhas, social and economic policy would be the concern of the provincial government, and the central government would be responsible for security, finance, justice and other fundamental needs and rights. In most instances the government should not have a monopoly as to activity, but rather a mainly regulatory role to ensure that services are available to all sections of the community.
2. Vesting the executive power of a province in a governor to be elected directly by the people. The governor would appoint ministers in a limited number of areas (eg. Social Development, Infrastructural Development, Economic Development). They will hold office subject to ratification by the provincial assembly. This (a clear separation of powers, on the lines of the system practised in the United States) will streamline the administration and allow for coherent and effective policies, subject to monitoring as outlined below.

Economic Policies designed to enhance opportunities and encourage initiatives

1. Repeal of ancient regulations, and the creation in the public sector of a concept of budget holders responsible for formulating and implementing effective work plans. Special units to review progress and monitor finances would be set up, and a system of incentives based on productivity would be introduced.
2. The preparation and implementation of carefully targeted plans for infrastructural development so as to widen the impact of a successful market economy. Sustained investment in highways, and a more productive use and development of the railway network will be particular priorities.
3. The building up, together with the private sector, and in particular in selected rural areas, of tertiary level training and education to broaden skills and competencies in the workforce, and to encourage entrepreneurship.
4. The promulgation of strong anti-Trust legislation to prevent monopolies in the private or public sectors, and the strengthening of a Monopolies commission dedicated to ensuring competitive conditions with regard to all goods and services for the benefit of the public.
5. The establishment of a Constitutional Right to private property as a pre-condition for a market economy.

Educational policies designed to promote excellence as well as equity

1. A restructuring of the school system so as to make educational zones autonomous.
2. Each zone (or group of zones in a district) would be required to establish at least one state run English medium secondary school with admission based on performance at primary school.
3. Measures such as the above will be taken to include students of different races and religions in the same school. Where this is not possible, mechanisms will be developed whereby they can meet at extra classes and extra-curricular activities.
4. Library services would be made a priority, with provincial and local authorities required to provide students with a range of materials to encourage self-study, information gathering and project work.
5. Universities would be granted autonomy, with the University Grants Commission acting purely as a funding body.
6. The present grant received by students at university is woefully inadequate. It should be raised but rationalized to take the form of an interest free loan, repayable on attainment of appropriate employment. Universities will be responsible for such loans and, in order to receive funding for prevalent student numbers or to expand, will be required actively to assist students in finding employment.

Media Policy to encourage responsible and credible journalism

1. The right of information to be included in the Constitution.
2. The right of privacy to be included in the Constitution.
3. The Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd. (Special Provisions) Act shall be repealed and Lake House will be converted into a share company with special rights initially to employees.
4. Rupavahini and SLBC to be vested in an Independent Broadcasting Authority while the Government Owned Business Undertaking of the Independent Television Network (ITN) will be privatized.

A Manifesto for the 21st century

In earlier years the Liberal Party of Sri Lanka was mainly a think tank. With no popular base, it influenced the policies of both major parties. Mrs Bandaranaike’s 1988 Presidential Manifesto and Gamini Dissanayake’s 1994 Manifesto were largely drafted by Liberal Party leader Dr Chanaka Amaratunga.

Many of the ideas put forward there began with the workshops the Party and the Council for Liberal Democracy conducted through the eighties. This led to ‘Ideas for Constitutional Reform’, published in 1987, which introduced many concepts now widely accepted – the German system of proportional representation, the need for national and international election monitors, independent commissions in areas of particular political concern.

In the last few years there were few Liberal innovations. This was partly because a lot of what the party stood for was generally accepted by both major parties. The UNP had continued with state monopolies in the eighties, despite the open economy it had started, but it got rid of these through a coherent programme of privatization in the early nineties. The SLFP, which earlier rejected such policies, accepted them just before the 1994 election.

Conversely, the UNP had earlier promoted authoritarianism as necessary for development, and its constitutional manipulations were intended to crush dissent. The SLFP then seemed more concerned with inalienable fundamental rights, but now the UNP too has accepted these and the need to strengthen independent institutions.

Since two fundamentals of liberalism, the primacy of human rights and a genuine market economy and, have now been widely accepted, it may seem time for the Liberal Party to fold up. Recent developments however suggest that there is still some confusion in both major parties about their policies. The UNP is clearly concerned only with political popularity in its approach to constitutional reform as is seen by its changes over the Presidential system and devolution, while it has also opposed reforms such as those in education simply for the sake of opposition. More worryingly, recent government activities and statements suggest a return to the worst excesses of the 1970-77 period, and in particular a determination to use the judiciary for its own ends.

In a situation then when ill-considered and momentarily convenient responses are once more multiplying, the Liberal Party feels it is time to think more coherently and productively. It submits therefore the following very basic ideas towards a Manifesto for the 21st century.

(1) Constitutional Reform

The present constitution gives too much power to the President. But previously the Prime Minister had too much power. The problem is that Sri Lanka lacks a system of checks and balances, and other institutions that can challenge and question and restrain executive power.

What is necessary is to reduce the absolute power of the executive head, whatever he or she might be called, and to build up the critical faculties of parliament. Therefore we advocate a bicameral legislature, with both houses having separate mandates and members able to take informed decisions as to national policy, legislation and budgetary provisions; and also able to monitor critically and constructively the performance of the executive. With this we prefer a presidential system with very limited powers. Even if a Prime Ministerial system is restored, we suggest that its powers too be limited

The Liberal Party therefore proposes the following changes -

1. 1. The President’s term of office reduced to four years, with re-election possible only once
   2. No Presidential immunity from the operation of the law
   3. The President to be responsible for general policy but not to hold any ministerial portfolios
   4. Portfolios to be limited in number. The President’s appointments to these would have to be ratified individually by the House of Representatives.
2. 1. A bicameral Parliament with a Senate and a House of Representatives. The House of Representatives to be elected for a fixed term of four years by the system of proportional representation known as the mixed system of constituencies and national list as exists in Germany. The Senate to be elected on a provincial basis with equal representation for each province. Elections to the Senate to take place also every four years, two years after the House of Representatives.
   2. The independence of Members of Parliament to be restored by restricting expulsion of members and abolishing nomination of replacements for elected members.
   3. The division of MPs into committees to monitor the work of all ministries.
3. 1. The introduction of a comprehensive Bill of Rights, not subject to executive convenience.
   2. The curtailment of fundamental rights by emergency regulations should be restricted to only such reasonable restrictions as may be necessary in a democratic society. Such regulations should be publicized widely and placed before parliament within a month of promulgation.
   3. The adoption of comprehensive judicial review of legislation.
   4. The creation of a Human Rights Commission with substantial powers before which anyone can seek redress for violation of individual rights.
   5. The establishment of a Judicial Service Commission with authority as to personnel and conditions so as to ensure an independent judiciary
   6. Parliament to have no role to play in judicial activity, while criticism of Parliament or its members should not be considered to be Breaches of Privilege.
   7. The enactment of Legislation which precisely defines the offence of Contempt of Court so that Contempt of Court is not based on the subjective views of individual judges.
4. The devolution of full authority in specific areas to provinces as detailed below.

(2) Devolution

There are two main reasons for devolution. The first is to provide an efficient and informed administration for different areas within a country, without relying on central planning and decision making that takes no account of local requirements. The second is to ensure that people feel empowered with regard to policies and practices affecting their day to day lives.

These are necessary in a democratic society, and for that reason liberals have always supported devolution. We disapprove of the creation of ethnic enclaves, while recognizing that empowerment at local levels will provide each group with the security that people need as to their identity. It will also facilitate decision making based on the needs of the people affected.

It is clear however that the present system of devolution has failed in these respects. Large provincial councils give politicians power that reduplicates what parliamentarians already possess. None of them has much authority, except what their parties allow. Meanwhile provincial governments are hindered by continued control by the centre in all respects. Not only because of the concurrent list, in many areas where local decisions are desirable, central government control continues. The appointment of the chief administrative office of the Province, the Provincial Secretary, by the central government obviously promotes divided loyalties.

The country meanwhile has suffered from vast numbers of Provincial Council members. In addition to massive salary bills, the pressure on administrators to serve several masters has multiplied abuses. Even the elections themselves are destructive. Apart from the initial cost to the country, the cost to individuals is often compensated for through corrupt practices. Again, the artificial creation of jobs before so many elections just to secure votes will be as damaging to the country as political violence has been in the past.

The Liberal Party proposes therefore the following changes –

1. The division of government functions into three clearcut lists, one the responsibility of local government institutions, the second that of the provincial government, the third that of the central government. Administrative responsibilities would devolve to local institutions such as Pradeshiya Sabhas or even smaller units, social and economic policy would be the concern of the provincial government, and the central government would be responsible for security, finance, justice and other fundamental needs and rights. In most instances the government should should not have a monopoly as to activity, but rather a mainly regulatory role to ensure that services are available to all sections of the community.
2. Vesting the executive power of a province in a governor to be elected directly by the people. The governor would appoint ministers in a limited number of areas (eg. Social Development, Infrastructural Development, Economic Development). They will hold office subject to ratification by the provincial assembly. This (a clear separation of powers, on the lines of the system practised in the United States) will streamline the administration and allow for coherent and effective policies, subject to monitoring as outlined below.
3. Vesting the legislative power of a province, and monetary authority, in a provincial assembly made up of representatives elected by zonal assemblies. This will allow all communities in a province to be represented in the assembly. The need for compromise and consensus will arise from the budgetary requirements of the zones as well as the provincial authority. A system of committees will encourage careful monitoring of the activities of provincial ministers.
4. The governor and the provincial assembly to be elected for fixed terms of four years.
5. A constitutionally guaranteed amount of financial resources including a sum of foreign exchange will be transferred by the Central Government to the funds of the Provincial governments as well as to the Pradeshiya Sabhas. These other bodies too may increase their resources through grants, taxes, financial institutions and foreign aid.

(3) Economic Reform, Efficiency and Productivity

It has now been generally recognized that an open economy is the best means for ensuring general prosperity. However, successive Sri Lankan governments have continued to practise statism while claiming the opposite. Such inconsistency, which leads to perpetuating inefficiencies, and often to crony capitalism, will destroy any economy.

It should be definitely recognized that, in a free economy, state intervention is permissible only to ensure that there is a level playing field. This means ensuring social development, in particular with regard to education, so that equality of opportunity is increased. It can include special support for particular areas or industries, provided the purpose is self-sustainability within a clear time frame rather than unlimited subsidizing.

What should be particulatly avoided is abuse of state power for political goals, as in the sudden creation of jobs before elections. This contributes to economic stagnation.

Meanwhile the power of the bureaucracy to hinder productive activity continues unchecked. The private sector is still restricted by excessive need for permits and licenses, while in the public sector, with no incentives for action, the situation is worse. Sri Lanka still suffers badly from ancient financial and administrative regulations that promote inefficiency. Though there has been talk of reform, progress is far too slow, and there is no indication of an awareness of principles with regard to such the necessary change.

The Liberal Party therefore proposes the following –

1. Ensuring the primacy of the private sector in the economy and reducing the powers of state and the bureaucracy to a necessary minimum.
2. Repeal of ancient regulations, and the creation in the public sector of a concept of budget holders responsible for formulating and implementing effective work plans. Special units to review progress and monitor finances would be set up, and a system of incentives based on productivity would be introduced.
3. The preparation and implementation of carefully targeted plans for infrastructural development so as to widen the impact of a successful market economy. Sustained investment in highways, and a more productive use and development of the railway network will be particular priorities. Sri Lanka is perhaps the only country in Asia where there has been steady deterioration in the service provided by railways over the last 50 years.
4. A reform to the tax system to facilitate capital accumulation, investment, entrepreneurship, employment, growth and international competiveness.
5. A review and reform of labour laws to make them more conducive to efficiency and price stability, while promoting investment and developing employment opportunities.
6. The building up, together with the private sector, and in particular in selected rural areas, of tertiary level training and education to broaden skills and competencies in the workforce, and to encourage entrepreneurship.
7. The promulgation of strong anti-Trust legislation to prevent monopolies in the private or public sectors, and the strengthening of a Monopolies commission dedicated to ensuring competitive conditions with regard to all goods and services for the benefit of the public.
8. The establishment of a Constitutional Right to private property as a pre-condition for a market economy.

(4) Educational Reform

Education is one of the most critical areas for reform. There are clearly two principles that must be followed in any educational policy. The first is that access to education be available to everyone, and secondly that educational excellence should be pursued. Unfortunately in Sri Lanka this last has been forgotten, so that education now no longer deserves the name unless supplemented by tuition..

Changes to the system have been proposed and some are being successfully implemented. However it should be noted that such changes have been proposed and implemented often in the past. That education continues in a mess leads to the conclusion that it is the system itself that is at fault. In fact it is in education that we see most obviously the effect of Hayek’s principle that, given human fallibility, a state monopoly is almost guaranteed to fail, as compared with a situation where alternatives exist.

This is true at all levels, and the higher one proceeds the more tragic is the waste. Strikes in the universites, closures during which vast amounts of public money are wasted, the postponement of examinations, delays in admissions, are all symptoms of a situation in which public funds are squandered without proper accountability. The level of absenteeism in schools, the failure rates all over the country in the subjects most necessary for productive employment – English, Maths & Science – and the proliferation of tutories, all make clear the bankruptcy of the system. What is needed therefore is a conceptual change that recognizes that decisions need to be taken locally, with full accountability, rather than by a distant and detached bureaucracy.

The Liberal Party therefore advocates the following measures –

1. A restructuring of the school system so as to make educational zones autonomous. Resources would be provided through the Provincial / Pradeshiya Sabha administration to allow self-sufficiency with regard to cadres, buildings, equipment and materials.
2. School administrators to be given much wider financial powers, subject to accountability through the preparation of work plans and financial records, and to transparency before local school boards. They would be responsible for the maintenance of buildings and equipment, and would have effective decision making powers in areas of immediate concern to them.
3. Each zone (or group of zones in a district) would be required to establish at least one state run English medium secondary school with admission based on performance at primary school. Private English medium schools would also be encouraged, with the proviso that a fixed number of places be made available to students on scholarship. Provinces will also be able to establish special schools for higher level training in particular subjects. Apart from the block grant as allocated by the Provincial Assembly, Provinces will be able to raise funds from aid agencies as well as by other means to develop educational facilities.
4. Measures such as the above will be taken to include students of different races and religions in the same school. Where this is not possible, mechanisms will be developed whereby they can meet at extra classes and extra-curricular activities.
5. Training of primary and secondary school teachers would be undertaken at Provincial level, subject to accreditation by the Centre. The Provinces may provide scholarships for teacher trainees, but employment would be on a competitive basis, with teachers able to shift between provinces on conclusion of their contracts.
6. Library services would be made a priority, with provincial and local authorities required to provide students with a range of materials to encourage self-study, information gathering and project work.
7. The basic curriculum for schools to be formulated at national level, with provinces allowed to adapt as appropriate and produce different materials. The final school leaving examination would be conducted nationally and test initiative and flexibility as well as core knowledge and competencies.
8. A range of vocational training centres would be established at provincial level. These would also provide training in English, Accounts, Computing and Management. At the highest levels these institutions would be entitled to award degrees for such courses provided general training in academic subjects such as the above was also provided at standards acceptable to regular universities.
9. The private sector would be encouraged to contribute to the development of educational facilities, subject to financial transparency and accountability, and the provision of a proportion of scholarships.
10. While payment to teachers is inadequate at present, other conditions are not in the interests of students. Some teachers function for fewer than 150 days a year. Given also centralized recruitment procedures, a great deal of what should be school time is spent on travelling, before and after weekends or on official business. This is as unfair on the conscientious teachers as on the students. Conditions of employment should therefore be redrafted to ensure proper pay for proper work, with zones responsible for the recruitment of teachers under the supervision of the provincial authorities. A system of incentive payments based on results will also be introduced.
11. The system of examinations and the release of results will be streamlined to avoid long periods in which students are left unoccupied. Admission to universities will take place within a year of the final school examination. During that period remedial teaching in subjects such as English and Maths will be provided in schools.
12. Universities would be granted autonomy, with the University Grants Commission acting purely as a funding body. Funding to be based on criteria related to efficiency as well as the employability of graduates. Universities would have to function in accordance with a fixed calendar. Administration at universities will be rationalized to encourage efficiency, with teams of budget holders having local autonomy subject to regulations and accountability. Senior administrative posts will be filled by election of academic personnel, and decision making bodies at universities will be collegiate bodies made up of representatives of the various interests concerned.
13. In addition to block grants from the UGC, universities would receive funding from provincial administrations in proportion to the number of students admitted from each province. Universities cited within any particular province may develop professional relationships with the provincial administration, though they shall not be subject to political controls. Universities will decide on admissions themselves, except that for professional courses such as medicine and engineering a centralized admissions policy will be administered by the UGC.
14. The present grant received by students at university should be raised but rationalized to take the form of an interest free loan, repayable on attainment of appropriate employment. Universities will be responsible for such loans and, in order to receive funding for prevalent student numbers or to expand, will be required actively to assist students in finding employment.
15. Private tertiary level institutions would be licensed, subject to monitoring procedures. They would be encouraged to offer sandwich and part-time courses, and to offer accreditation for students within the state system, so that interaction and interchange would take place.
16. In-service training programmes will be conducted for school teachers at Provincial level and for University and other tertiary level staff at national level. Proficiency tests and interviews will be conducted at prescribed intervals, and increments and promotions will be subject to satisfactory performance at such.

(5) Media Reform

A free media is necessary for a democratic society. Censorship of the media in Sri Lanka in the 1970s and the 1980s went hand in hand with authoritarian practices. The opening up in the nineties of opportunities for independent newspapers and radio and television stations marked the return to democratic norms, and it is heartening that there has been no institutional attempt to reimpose controls. However there are signs of resentment at criticism, while abuse of the state media continues, even though all experience indicates that this is counter productive.

It would therefore be useful to strengthen media independence and to remove the temptation any government experiences to flatter itself, often to the detriment of a realistic assessment of its performance.

The Liberal Party therefore advocates the following reforms –

1. The right of information to be included in the Constitution, with very clear justiciable provisions as to whether and to what extent censorship may be imposed.
2. The right of privacy to be included in the Constitution.
3. The enactment of a Freedom of Information Act whereby disclosure shall become the norm and the circumstances in which, in the interests of national security, official secrecy shall be maintained will be clearly set out.
4. Strengthening of the law to provide for the confidentiality of the sources of journalists.
5. The enactment of Legislation to ensure to any person the right of reply, with equal weightage for such reply.
6. 1. The abolition of the Press Council and its replacement by an independent Media Council.
   2. The Media Council will have authority to ensure the following objectives:

      1. The freedom and independence of the media in Sri Lanka, print and electronic
      2. The right of citizens to be informed freely, truthfully and objectively on all matters of public interest, national and international
      3. A fair presentation in the media of news on questions of national importance
      4. Restraint on the divisive expression of prejudices based on ethnicity, religion, language, caste or sex
      5. The establishment where necessary of common services for the supply and dissemination of news
      6. Research into the use and needs of the media, to keep under review developments likely to restrict the supply of information of public interest and developments in the media which may tend towards concentration and monopoly, and to suggest appropriate remedial measures
      7. Broadbased advice to the Government on any matter pertaining to the regulation of the media
      8. Fair and equitable availability of newsprint and other requiremen
7. The Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd. (Special Provisions) Act shall be repealed and Lake House will be converted into a share company with special rights initially to employees.
8. Rupavahini and SLBC to be vested in an Independent Broadcasting Authority while the Government Owned Business Undertaking of the Independent Television Network (ITN) will be privatized.
9. The extension of greater freedom to establish private channels on radio and television and to broadcast programmes of choice including news and current affairs.

(6) Economic Development – Industries, Fisheries and Agriculture

Liberals firmly believe that economic prosperity leads to social and moral development, While stagnation leads to conflicts of all types, including racial, in the struggle for shares of the available resources. Where there is economic prosperity, there are fewer great upheavals. Economically developed countries are examples of this while many 3rd world countries are examples of the contrary.

Resources for Economic Development in Sri Lanka

Physical and human resources are the major features essential for economic development, supported by financial resources. Our main physical resources can be identified as favourable climate conditions (a tropical climate throughout the year), fertile soils and water resources with much rain in the hill country brought down to the plains on all sides during their dry seasons. The sea round our island, within a 200 km zone, is not only rich in fish but the west to east sea route runs through the southern bounds of the island, which suggests we should develop Sri Lanka as a trading centre with the construction of a free international harbour at Hambantota. This will give an impetus to foreign entrepreneurs, at least to begin with investment for transhipment of their industrial products. The economy, and in particular the economy of a long neglected area, will begin to boom with such a project.

Industrial Development

Industries in Sri Lanka have generally been concentrated in the area around Colombo, except during three periods when government tried to encourage development at the periphery. Just after after independence a number of industries were developed in the North and East but these are largely moribund now because of the conflict. In the 60s many industries were established under the Gal Oya scheme but, without a comprehensive continued commitment on the part of government, most of these are now in decline. Finally, under Mr Premadasa there was a concerted attempt to induce the private sector to decentralize, and despite several problems this has by and large continued successful. Taking a cue from this, we recommend that government concentrate on encouraging the private sector to invest in the regions. However to do this infrastructural development is essential, and should take the form of targeting particular areas for the establishment of free trade zones.

It should also be noted however that Sri Lanka lacks most of the raw material essential for industries other than those arising from the soil, such as the raw material essential for cement, and agricultural by-products. Therefore Sri Lanka cannot really compete with other industrial countries until such time as technology develops. Technical know how, transferred to the people in the regions systematically, is essential. It is for this reason that, as indicated above, we propose the establishment of technical universities in the regions, where training in skills will be accompanied by academic input that will enable our people to compete for jobs internationally at higher levels than at present.

Fisheries

Though fishing is an essential industry, the greatest resources are in the continental shelf which cannot be reached by ordinary fishermen. They should be given the technical knowledge and assisted with obtaining deep sea fishing vessels so that the scope of our fishing industry can be developed, otherwise the hand to mouth existence of our fishermen cannot be uplifted. Though after a gap of some years there has recently been an attempt to revive the inland fishing industry, this can be encouraged further, with a concerted plan as to transportation. We also welcome the current move to develop technical skills at all levels, and suggest this be tied in with management and other skills that will increase employability.

Agriculture

The tropical climate and fertile soil coupled with the experience the rural people have achieved over generations, and the colossal investment in irrigation, testify to the physical and human resources available for agricultural development. The foundation of the economies of many industrially developed countries is agriculture, as in the USA, Germany and France. Australia and New Zealand too depend to a considerable extent on agriculture. Such dependence is acknowledged, because food security is important for a country, and there is no reason for us too not to benefit from this.

Though agriculture should be the foundation of our economy, the sudden explosion in imports has ruined the agricultural sector in the case of Red Onions, Bombay Onions, Potatoes and other highland cultivation. Again, due to all sorts of shifts and reverses in policy, paddy farmers are unable to sell their paddy at even a price below cost, a trial they have never faced in the past.

2.4 million people are engaged in agriculture and fisheries. Among them 1.8 million are paddy farmers. With the collapse of the agricultural sector, which was 21% of the GDP, more than ½ of the entire population will experience social upheavals and economic disaster. Therefore the agricultural sector will be given assistance not only to increase production but also to protect prices by way of legislation and tariffs so that the farmer can get the maximum profit in the local market. Though Liberals generally believe in free trade, we have always accepted the need for protection provided it is for a fixed period to deal with particular conditions. It must be accompanied by a comprehensive strategy based on the interests of consumers, and should not be changed at will or for political expediency, as happened with the subsidy for bread that began the crisis in the paddy market.

Training is also an important aspect of agriculture in the modern world, and to maximize production capacity new technologies will be transferred to the producer. This strategy will not only assist with food security, but also the younger generation will be attracted to the agriculture sector which is now almost taboo to them. The farmer, in all our communities, must be given a suitable status, not through platitudes as in the past, but through economic success.

(7) Social Policy

Liberals believe that government should be confined to areas in which individuals or families or companies need assistance and support. It is not the business of state to interfere in areas in which smaller units can function on their own. We believe that local administrations should do or regulate whatever they can, provincial governments should do only what local administrations cannot manage, and central governments only what provincial governments in turn cannot manage. In the same way we believe that what individuals can do or decide should be left to them. The government may interfere to ensure a fair playing field and equality of opportunity, but it should not take control of the lives of citizens and unduly restrict their freedoms.

Liberals then, in the interests of equity, advocate a greater allocation of resources than was available in the last few years for education and health services. But we also believe that individuals able to pay for such services should be allowed the freedom to do so, and not be a drain on government resources. We also believe that taking the private sector into partnership in such areas can contribute to efficiency and thus produce a better service for citizens.

Certainly private sector style management is necessary in a situation in which What should be public services have been turned by successive governments into employment agencies for those who have political influence. A relatively recent ruling by the government, that employment in universities should be confined to those placed on a list by the Minister, is ample evidence that state resources that should be spent on social development are instead used for political purposes.

Other instances in which state controls, in the interests of political or personal goals, have been enforced are manifold. Continuing absurdities in the Ministry of Sport we believe are not due just to particular personalities, but to the fact that politics should have no place in such social activities. Sports bodies, subject to regulations that ensure transparency and accountability, should run themselves, with a Ministry acting at the very most as a funding agency.

Meanwhile unwarranted state interference has in fact been expanded with regard to personal freedoms. The 1995 amendments to the Penal Code imposed further restrictions on individual freedom. Meanwhile, along with unwarranted restrictions on adults goes a failure to protect minors. Thus marriage of girls of twelve still continues to be accepted in Sri Lanka. This contempt for women is further seen in the failure to criminalize marital rape or to liberalize the wholesale ban on abortions.

We therefore advocate a comprehensive review of social legislation, whereby individual freedoms would be maximized subject to medical and other expert opinion regarding the protection necessary for those unable to take decisions for themselves.

We advocate too the development of health services to ensure adequate counselling and the dissemination of information especially in rural areas so as to promote mental and physical well being.

Finally, while Liberals believe strongly in tolerance and individual freedom and self-expression, we are also anxious that a sense of responsibility towards society be developed. For this reason Liberals advocate the introduction of a system of national service. This will help in creating a sense of discipline and commitment. It will also, whether in a military or non-military capacity, by bringing together young people from diverse regional, ethnic and socio-eocnomic backgrounds, be an extremely useful tool in nation building.

(8) Environmental Policy

Whilst Liberals believe strongly in economic growth, we are also deeply concerned that development should be sustainable. Protection of the environment is therefore a vital aspect of liberal policy, and is an area where government intervention should be based on clearcut principles. For this reason we believe that there should be alterations in current legislation, while the principles on which such changes are made should be based on a consultative approach. We also feel that, where regulations exist, there should be provision for effective enforcement.

Though some clauses in the 1978 Constitution contribute to environmental protection, the omission of a right to life is unfortunate. This right, which should be included in the founding principles, can lead to statutory requirements for a life enhancing environment.

In this regard we should be careful about the possible consequences of devolving powers with regard to the environment. If even one area were careless about the environment, the whole country could be in disaster. What we would suggest therefore is something on the lines of what happens in the United States. There the central government, by legislation such as the Water Act and the Clean Air Act has prescribed minimum environmental standards. Other areas may prescribe higher standards but cannot go below the minimum.

To prevent arbitrary or partisan decisions that affect the environment, we recommend that a National Consultative Council on Environment and Development be established, with both government and non-government personnel, to assist the Government on policy decisions at the macro level before specific project proposals are formulated.

We need to accept that much destruction of the environment goes on because of government personnel acting in their private capacities. This is because of the authority they wield, which prevents them being subject to laws like other people. We recommend therefore an armed, well-equipped and motivated Wildlife Ranger Corps with adequate personnel for the task. Provision could be made for concerned young people to join the Corps as one method of doing the National Service we have suggested.